Ian Douglas Smith, a man who served as Rhodesian Prime Minister from 1964 to 1979 and instigated the infamous Unilateral Declaration of Independence, governed with the highest wisdom and foresight to uphold his nation’s interests. Confronted with a supercilious and obstinate British Labour Government, Smith was forced to initiate UDI with Rhodesia’s survival at stake. However, his aptitude for leadership was truly revealed when his tiny landlocked country effectively withstood global economic sanctions and a war against Marxist insurgency. Surrounded by enemies to the north, Rhodesia battled admirably to preserve the ideals of Western Civilisation and the British Empire, but deception and betrayal became her ultimate undoing. Her own "friends" used Rhodesia as a pawn to irrationally appease and placate international communism, a fatal flaw that witnessed the Marxist and convicted terrorist Robert Mugabe seize power. Ian Smith, however, can be viewed with great esteem given the lengths undertaken to promote Rhodesian aims and further its longevity as a bastion of freedom and colonial success.

Born 8 April 1919 to Jock and Agnes Smith in the mining town of  Shurugwi,     ( formerly Selukwe, a town and administrative centre in Midlands Province, southern Zimbabwe, located about 350km south of Harare; population 16,138 (Central Statistical Office, Zimbabwe. Census of Population, 1992. Harare: Government Printer). The town was established in 1899 on Selukwe goldfield, which itself was discovered in the early 1890s not long after the annexation of Rhodesia by the Pioneer Column. The district remains an important centre for gold and chrome mining, but is perhaps best known as the home district of the former Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Douglas Smith who owned a farm near Gwenoro Dam.)  Selukwe, Smith was taught an adherence to virtues and traits formerly characteristic of the British Empire; "law and order in society, discipline at school, play[ing] the game by your fellow man … not letting your team down, and even [if necessary] dying for your cause". Evidence of fulfilling these ideals certainly manifested themselves in his choice to enter the Second World War, undertaken despite an outstanding year on his university degree because it "was keeping with [his] wishes". Smith elaborates on the reasoning behind this decision in his autobiography, Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal, by writing:

His noble character was then exhibited further when he was forced to abandon his spitfire mid-air when attacked by Axis forces. After finding refuge with the local partisani, his feat to lead a small group of Allied soldiers past German observation posts and over the Alps "clad in summer clothes" is merely testament to his character. This, however, was part of a remarkable and valiant attempt to return for further fighting on the Western Front. These experiences were a preview to the brave actions later undertaken as Prime Minister.

Smith’s hasty introduction into politics was a particularly profound occasion notable for his age and inexperience, but managed to provide an early indication of personal aptitude and local support. While primarily interested in farming pursuits, Smith was urged to join the Liberal Party in 1948 shortly before the country’s general election. Despite initial hesitance, Smith agreed following the party’s appeal to "stand for those things [they] had fought for … [their] recent sacrifices … the whole history of Rhodesia and everything it stood for", otherwise, Smith himself conceded, it "would have all been in vain". Consequently Smith’s obvious benevolence towards the Rhodesian community was justly rewarded when he, still in his twenties, was elected to parliament. General proficiency soon witnessed a quick rise through parliamentary ranks, with Smith becoming chairman of the public accounts committee, and later Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance under Winston Field in 1962.

Smith’s stint as Prime Minister, however, was characterised by munificence countered by cautious judgment in the face of omnipresent hostility. The infamous UDI, initiated under Smith’s term, was undertaken not to preserve and maintain white minority rule, but to protect Rhodesia from Marxist insurgency and post-colonial chaos. As part of the efforts to gradually introduce majority rule, blacks were actually entitled to vote under the 1961 constitution, something encouraged by Smith himself. However, as a result of political apathy, gaping cultural differences, mass boycotts, and Marxist terrorism, only a slight voter turnout ensued. The communist propaganda aimed at demonising Smith and Rhodesia over this issue has unfortunately survived largely because of deliberate fact falsification. Smith understood the vital need to implement "the well-known and tried policy of gradualism and evolution, with the accent on the local people having adequate training and preparation" before transferring power prematurely. It was such reasoning that made Smith into a wonderful visionary intent on raising the lives of all Rhodesians.

Smith was also determined to achieve what the British themselves had once promised: full independence, something Rhodesians had yearned for since the 1940s. It had certainly been promised by the British when Rhodesian Prime Minister Huggins remarked, "We can have our dominion status tomorrow – the British government has assured me… it is there for the asking". However, eventual difficulty with British politicians forced a Rhodesian rethink. It is worth noting Portugal president Dr. Antonio de Oliveira’s reaction to Smith’s UDI intentions in order to understand the latter’s purpose behind the idea:

Unfortunately, as a consequence of irreconcilable differences and British intransigence, Smith and the Rhodesian government were indeed forced to "take matters into [their] own hands" by declaring UDI on November 11, 1965. To his credit as leader, Smith worked tirelessly to prevent the untenable situation by suggesting various concessions, including an independent commission to determine Rhodesian suitability for independence, and a senate blocking mechanism in the hands of blacks. It was unfortunately to no avail, as Britain, dominated by the communist orientated OAU, reneged on the 1961 constitution that Rhodesian whites, blacks, and the British themselves had agreed upon, and instead demanded instant majority rule. The unfeasibility of the idea, given the widespread naivety of Rhodesian blacks towards democracy, surrounding chaos from post-colonialism, and presence of Marxist terrorism meant UDI was an unavoidable option. Smith’s fortitude to then institute the situation, despite his "strong desire to preserve [the] links with the history and tradition and culture that [he] had been brought up to respect and believe in", and the inevitable British retaliation, is a trait typical of outstanding leaders and a point of veneration.

The engagement with Marxists following UDI and until the transfer of power is another testament to Smith’s defence of free enterprise, Western Civilisation, and democracy. Following the Second World War, Soviet initiatives arose in Africa as part of plans for world domination. Beginning in the north, communism would surge south to consume Rhodesia before attacking the strategically vital South Africa. The United States Congress Committee’s report underlines the reasoning and logic behind these nefarious plans:

Smith, however, as a staunch anti-communist, and committed to the defence of his homeland, conducted a tiresome war against Marxist insurgency throughout his term. These same terrorists, including Robert Mugabe, were supported and trained by none other than China, Russia, Libya, and North Korea as part of their "liberation" efforts to drive Rhodesians into communist tyranny. Such efforts, however, were not peaceful by any means, but barbaric and malicious stunts that listed torture, maiming, killing and wooden shack burning in order to intimidate and subjugate Rhodesia’s black population. What makes this liberation claim even more absurd was that the leaders of Rhodesia’s black community supported Smith’s government, as evidenced by Chief Sigola of the Matabele community:

This new light thus sheds an insight into the delicate situation that concerned Rhodesia, and why a responsible solution, such as UDI, was tantamount. It could even be argued that Rhodesian solidarity during these years was pivotal to the eventual outcome between free enterprise and state sponsored socialism; it successfully obstructed the communist advance into South Africa, mitigated terrorist confidence, and forced sponsoring nations to concede the need for negotiation. However, it appears the primary drive behind the battle against Marxism was to defend and preserve "those old-fashioned ideals and principles which throughout history had created great nations. [Those that] were built on the indestructible foundations of courage, integrity, loyalty and a determination to put into practice the philosophy of: ‘Do unto others as you would have them do unto you’. [It was to] make a stand for those ideals of Western Christian Civilisation on which [Rhodesia] had been built." In fact, this period perhaps emphasises the tremendous power of a community supported by these commendable attributes. The propagation of Rhodesian society thus indicated Smith’s strong resilience and determination in the face of adversity.

Above all it was Smith’s natural selflessness, patriotism, and conscientious drive to improve the lives of all Rhodesians that establishes his image as a true leader and visionary. In fact, his appointment as Prime Minister in 1964 was a crucial point in the composition of African politics, as "for the first time in its history the country now had a Rhodesian-born PM, someone whose roots were not in Britain, but in southern Africa, in other words, a white African. Unlike his predecessors who, when they talked about ‘going back home’, were thinking about Britain, his home was Rhodesia." Consequently Smith’s arrival was to have dire consequences for an impertinent Britain who simply deemed Rhodesia an expendable tool to placate international communism.

The utilisation of all Rhodesians, whether white or black, to improve the foundations begun by pioneer settlers in the late 19^th century is also clear evidence of these traits. Smith realised the Rhodesian necessity to "work in conjunction with [their] indigenous people, and incorporate them in [their] plans for the future." Their success in this regard actually inspired the Federation concept, as the British wanted it replicated in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Thus low crime rates and superb education, health, housing, recreational and cultural indigenous facilities relative to the sub-Sahara was predictable.

Smith’s staunch defence of his nation’s history, culture, and imperial roots is then understandable as well, an attitude particularly unique given the anti-colonialism of the 60s. His criticism of anti-colonialism and "starry-eyed liberals" is enunciated when he writes:

Smith’s opinions prove fascinating because they lack communist taint, and instead highlight a man who expresses pride and joy with his historical, cultural, national, and religious ties. A natural resistance to pathetic surrender and appeasement consequently reflected his distinct and glowing endorsement of Rhodesia.

Despite Smith’s brave leadership, Rhodesia ultimately underwent the saddening transition from loyal and successful British outpost to pitiful basket case possessing rampant rates of inflation. History has witnessed the removed of the Union Jack, an emblem that signified the light of Western civilisation, to the eventual imposition of the Marxist red star on Zimbabwe’s national flag. Smith, however, being the true patriot, revealed unwavering hope and optimism concerning his homeland:

It is thus important to remember Smith’s legend in order to understand the value of our own personal liberty. Faced in a time of increasing global bureaucratisation and governance, Smith’s fight to preserve his nation in the face of adversity should be adopted by all opposed to insidious internationalism. His case reveals not only the remarkable success of a small beleaguered nation, but that victory against globalist efforts can be achieved through national solidarity and respect for social virtues.

Reference:

• Smith, ID 2001. Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal, Blake Publishing Ltd, London.

Two particular links that prove interesting on the subject:

• A wonderful YouTube tribute to Ian Smith
• An interview with Ian Smith

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